One of them is press secretary Jay Carney’

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But the conservatives outraged over Crowley’s interjection

mostly overlook the fact that she also defended Romney. (“It

did as well take two weeks or so for the whole idea of there

being a riot out there about this tape to come out. You are

correct about that.”) And she was right to do so. Wednesday

morning the GOP Super Pac American Crossroads emailed

reporters examples of the White House contradicting the “act

of terror” designation in the days after Obama’s Rose

Garden statement. One of them is press secretary Jay Carney’

s admission on September 20–a day when he called it “self-

evident that what happened in Benghazi was a terrorist attack

”–to “the fact that we hadn’t” used the terrorism label

previously. This indicates that, despite Obama’s Rose Garden

words, the administration was still resisting the idea that

Benghazi was a significant event in what we used to call the

War on Terror.

In the final analysis, then, Romney overreached by

challenging Obama on his Rose Garden statement. But Obama was

being a little cute by citing that statement as evidence that

his administration had immediately identified what happened

in Benghazi as something more sinister than a spontaneous

protest which turned deadly. The problem here is that

obsessing over the word “terror” isn’t very useful. The

definition is flexible enough to give everyone some cover.

The bigger question is what the U.S. should be doing about

persistent anti-American radicalism in the Muslim world.

President Obama offers a muddle-through approach, one that

plays Syria with extreme caution; applies carrots and sticks

to unstable regimes in Egypt and Pakistan and Yemen;

remorselessly deploys drones against jihadists; and errs on

the side of rhetorical humility. Romney offers the vague

promise of stronger “leadership,” tougher words, and more

fulsome support for the Syrian rebels (though he doesn’t

address the prospect that Bashar al Assad’s fall in Syria

might well empower the same sort of people who murdered Chris

Stevens and his compatriots). Both ought to explain these

visions in more detail. The good news is that the third and

last presidential debate, on Monday night, will focus on

foreign policy. Obama should be pressed to explain more

clearly what he thinks happened in Benghazi and why. But then

the candidates should drop the semantics and move on to

substance.

Asian shares rose to their highest

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harder to treat, so it's important to be aware of potential

signs. Cancer expert Annwen Jones says, "Key symptoms are

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but it's important to be checked out."

Asian shares rose to their highest in seven months on

Thursday, buoyed by a surge in US housing starts that has

followed other positive economic dataTOKYO: Asian shares rose

to their highest in seven months on Thursday, buoyed by a

surge in US housing starts that has followed other positive

economic data, helping to further ease worries about a

slowdown in global growth.

The brighter tone for risk assets weighed on safe-haven US

Treasuries, the dollar and the yen.

The MSCI index of Asia-Pacific shares outside Japan was up

0.3 per cent, rising for a third day in a row with much of

the market's attention set to swing to GDP figures from

China, the world's No. 2 economy, due later in the day. 

the retaliatory impulse failed to generate action

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Yet what would happen if either side learned of significant atrocities committed against its soldiers? Would the "limits of destruction" then be traversed? News of the shocking treatment of Union prisoners at the infamous Andersonville prison camp, where almost 13,000 eventually perished, created just such a situation. Calls for retaliation reverberated across the North, and especially in the halls of Congress. "Now sir," an Indiana Republican thundered, "if this is to be a war of extermination, let not the extermination be all upon one side." In the end, however, the retaliatory impulse failed to generate action. Opposition came, as might be expected, from northern Democrats and conservative Republicans who were eager to repair the divisions of Civil War- era America. More surprisingly, it came also from Radical Republicans such as Charles Sumner--not to mention from Lincoln himself, who, according to Neely, never really believed in retaliation. Only the superintendent of Andersonville, Henry Wirz, suffered punishment; he was hanged in November, 1865.
Retaliations and atrocities against soldiers in uniform did occur, but the targets were mostly African Americans who had enlisted in the Union Army. The Battle of Fort Pillow, in which scores of black soldiers who had surrendered to the Confederates were summarily executed, is only the most notorious of many examples. And although Neely does not give much attention to this, it supports his overarching conclusion that "racial belief" and "racial identity" were the most important factors in limiting the war's destructiveness. When white soldiers faced each other, they seemed to observe the rules of "civilized" war- making; when they faced the racial "other," whether black, Mexican, or Indian, no rules applied.